
Elihu Root was an influential American lawyer and statesman who played a pivotal role in shaping U.S. foreign policy in the early 20th century. Serving as the 41st Secretary of War and the 38th Secretary of State, he was instrumental in modernizing the U.S. military and establishing the foundations of international law in America. His tenure as Secretary of War from 1899 to 1904 saw him oversee the administration of territories acquired during the Spanish-American War, where he advocated for a paternalistic approach to governance, emphasizing the importance of technology and public service. Root's efforts in crafting significant legislation, such as the Foraker Act and the Platt Amendment, underscored his commitment to American imperial interests and colonial governance. Beyond his governmental roles, Root was a prominent figure in legal circles, serving as a leading lawyer in New York City and holding positions in prestigious organizations like the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. His contributions to international law and diplomacy earned him the Nobel Peace Prize in 1912, marking him as a key figure in the promotion of peace and cooperation among nations. Root's legacy as a 'wise man' of American politics continues to resonate, reflecting his profound impact on both domestic and international affairs during a transformative period in U.S. history.
“About half the practice of a decent lawyer is telling would-be clients that they are damned fools and should shut up.”
“There is only one alternative to having the courts decide upon the validity of legislative acts, and that is by requiring the courts to treat the opinion of the legislature upon the validity of its statutes, evidenced by their passage, as conclusive. But the effect of this would be that the legislature would not be limited at all except by its own will. All the provisions designed to maintain a government carried on by officers of limited powers, all the distinctions between what is permitted to the national government and what is permitted to the state governments, all the safeguards of the life, liberty and property of the citizen against arbitrary power, would cease to bind Congress, and on the same theory they would cease also to bind the legislatures of the states. Instead of the constitution being superior to the laws the laws would be superior to the constitution, and the essential principles of our government would disappear. More than one hundred years ago, Chief Justice Marshall, in the great case of Marbury vs. Madison, set forth the view upon which our government has ever since proceeded. He said: "The powers of the legislature are defined and limited; and that those limits may not be mistaken or forgotten, the constitution is written. To what purpose are powers limited, and to what purpose is that limit committed to writing, if these limits may, at any time, be passed by those intended to be restrained? The”
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